Cause and Effects of the Rise in Cohabitation

Cause and Effects of the Rise in Cohabitation Recent decades have witnessed a dramatic rise in cohabitation in much of Western Europe including the United Kingdom (Ermisch 2005; Ermisch and Francesconi 2000a; Haskey 2001; Kiernan 2001; Murphy 2000). This rise has taken place against a dramatic decline in marriage rates. A so-called golden age of marriage that prevailed in the United Kingdom from the 1950s up to the 1970s (Festy, 1980), has been eroded. Marriage is no longer the exclusive marker of first union nor the pre-eminent context within which children are born; (Kiernan, 2001). The decline in the popularity of marriage indicates that no longer is marriage seen as the only organizing principle for relationships (Hall, 1993: 8) and therefore legal marriage has given way to a variety of optional non-traditional forms of living together (Boh, 1989: This essay will seek to examine whether the rise in cohabitation will witness a decline in marriage to a point where marriage is a rare phenomenon. This will entail an analysis of statistical evidence on both cohabitation and marriage and the explanations that have been provided. These include notions of selfish individualism (Morgan, 2000), notions of the democratic, consensual and pure relationship (Giddens, 1992; Beck-Gernsheim, 2000), Beckers (1973, 1981) model of marriage, the common-law marriage myth, commitment in cohabiting partnerships, and the use of lived law to create a DIY variety of marriage (Duncan et. al. 2005). The 1960s and the early 1970s was a golden age of marriage in the United Kingdom during which marriage was highly popular among the young ages (Kiernan Eldridge 1987) and a record peak of 480,285 marriages was recorded in 1972 (ONS, 2008). However, since the 1970s there have been considerable changes amounting to a structural shift in individuals demographic behaviour and societal norms (Haskey, 2001) and among these are increases in divorce and in cohabitation, that is, in couples who live together in intimate relationships without being legally married. Similarly, Ferri et al. (2003) have documented several demographic changes which led social commentators to lament the end of marriage. These include significant rises in cohabitation, divorce, lone parent families, single parent households, children born out of marriage and age of marriage.   These changes, it was assumed, led to the disintegration of traditional structures and codes and ultimately to the end of marriage. Statistical evidence indeed shows that there has been a long-term decline in marriage rates and a significant rise in cohabitation. From 1971 to 1995 first marriage rates fell by 90% for teenage women and 80% for women aged 20-24. Median age at first marriage rose from 23.4 to 27.9 yrs for men and 21.4 to 26.0 years for women (Murphy and Wang 1999). The decline in remarriage rates has been even more pronounced. For divorced men, the remarriage rate has fallen by 75% since 1971 (Murphy and Wang 1999). There were 311,000 marriages in the UK in 2004 and this figure fell to 270,000 in 2007. This represents almost half the number of marriages that took place in 1972 when marriage peaked (ONS 2009). On the other hand, cohabiting is the fastest growing family type in the UK (with the proportion of cohabiting couple families increasing from 9% to 14% between 1996 and 2006), (ONS, 2009). Among single women marrying during the latter part of the 1990s, 77% had cohabited with their future husband, compared with 33% of those marrying during the late 1970s, and only 6% of those marrying in the late 1960s (Haskey 2001). During the 1960s, 40% of remarriages were preceded by a period of cohabitation; and this figured had soared to around 85% in 2000. (Murphy 2000). The 2001 Census recorded just over 2 million cohabiting couples in England and Wales (a 67% increase from 1991). When the new form of cohabitation arrived in the 1970s it was mainly a child-free prelude to marriage. Increasingly, children are being born to cohabiting couples. In 2006, 56% of births in England and Wales were outside of marriage compared with 8% in 19z71. (ONS, 2009). Between 1996 and 2006, the number of cohabiti ng couples in the UK increased by over 60%, from 1.4 million to 2.3 million, ONS, 2009). The number of cohabiting couples in England and Wales is projected to almost double to 3.8 million by 2031 (which will be over one in four couples on this projection). (ONS, 2009). Social theorists have conceptualized these trends in terms of individualization theory. The theory which includes notions of the democratic, consensual and pure relationship (Giddens, 1992; Beck-Gernsheim, 2000) and notions of selfish individualism (Morgan, 2000), has emerged as the dominant contested theoretical approach in explaining whether the rise in cohabitation means the end of marriage. According to the former, modern society is viewed as having entered a late modern epoch of de-traditionalisation and individualisation in which traditional rules and institutional frameworks have lost ground, only to be replaced by more modern and rational rules (Beck, 1992 and Giddens, 1992, 1994). Institutional forces such as education, the modern economy and the welfare state have freed individuals from externally imposed constraints, moral codes and traditional customs, a development which Beck (1994) says is a disembedding of individual lives from the structural fabric of social instituti ons and age-specific norms. According to Brannen and Nilsen (2005), social class no longer has the same structuring role that it once had.   Individuals who used to have a standard biography no longer have pre-given life trajectories but are instead compelled to reflexively make their own choices and hence create their own biographies. At the same time, the project of self, with an emphasis on individual self-fulfillment and personal development, comes to replace relational, social aims. This results in families of choice which are diverse, fluid and unresolved, constantly chosen and re-chosen (Weeks 2001) and which Hardill, (2002) refer to as the postmodern household. In families of choice all issues are subject to negotiation and decision making (Beck and Beck- Gernsheim1995, Beck-Gernsheim 2002). Individuals are seen as preferring cohabitation to marriage because they wish to keep their options and their negotiations open ( Wu, 2000). The individualisation theory sees modern relationships as being based on individual fulfillment and consensual love, with sexual and emotional equality, replacing formal unions based on socially prescribed gender roles. Sexuality is largely freed from institutional, normative and patriarchal control as well as from reproduction, producing a plastic sexuality, which serves more as means of self-expression and selfactualisation rather than as a means to reproduction and cementing institutionalized partnership (Giddens, 1992). Giddens argues that that such plastic sexuality as part of the project of self is realized in pure relationships an ideal type that isolates what is most characteristic for intimacy in reflexive modernity, Giddens (1991, 1992).   This is pure because it is entered into for its own sake and for the satisfaction it provides to the individuals involved. The pure relationship must therefore be characterized by openness, involvement, reciprocity and closeness, a nd it presupposes emotional and sexual democracy and equality, Giddens (1991, 1992). According to Cherlin (2004:853), the pure relationship is not tied to an institution such as marriage or the desire to raise children. Rather, it is free-floating, independent of social institutions or economic life. The individualisation theory asserts that these changes in relationships contribute towards the decentring of the married, co-resident, heterosexual couple. It no longer occupies the centre-ground statistically, normatively, or as a way of life (Beck-Gernsheim, 2002; Roseneil and Budgeon, 2004). Instead other forms of living such as cohabitation, living alone, lone parenting, same-sex partnerships, or living apart have become more common and are both experienced and perceived as equally valid. However, most English-speaking commentators (e.g. Morgan, 1995, 2000, 2003; Bellah et al., 1985; Popenoe, 1993; Dnes and Rowthorne, 2002) have developed a pessimistic view of family change. In cohabitation they have seen a moral decline and its harmful effects on society, a loss of family values, individual alienation, social breakdown, rise in crime and other social ills and social, emotional and educational damage to children. For them, the trend in statistics is clear evidence of selfish individualism and have thus advocated for turning the clock back by promoting marriage among other things. Morgan (1995) for instance, argues that without the traditional family to socialize children and in particular to provide role models and discipline for young men, delinquency and crime will escalate and society as a whole will be at risk. To avoid this social policy should seek positively to support marriage and promote traditional gender roles for men and women. According to Morgan (2003), cohabiting relationships are fragile. They are always more likely to break up than marriages entered into at the same time, regardless of age or income. On average, cohabitations last less than two years before breaking up or converting to marriage. Less than four per cent of cohabitations last for ten years or more. She also believes that cohabitation should be seen primarily as a prelude to marriage but increasingly it is part of a pattern which simply reflects an increase in sexual partners and partner change (Morgan, 2003:127). Morgan (1999) also argues that cohabitation is concentrated among the less educated, less skilled and the unemployed. The individualization theory in its various versions, has been seen as having its merit in terms of indicating trends in post-modern societies, but has been criticized for lacking reliable methodologies and for lacking empirical and historical evidence. According to Thernborn (2004), individualisation theory should be seen as a geographically and historically limited exaggeration among the variety and long durà ©es of socio-sexual systems. Individualisation theory is seen as largely resting on the evidence of qualitative work using purposive samples of particular social groups in particular contexts and localities. They do not often use representative samples or total population figures which can accurately portray overall social patterns. According to Sayer (1992) individualization theorists have used intensive research design which are indeed in-depth and able to access social process more directly, and understand its context but points out that such work needs to be complemented by extensive research on patterns and distributions, using representative survey for example. Duncan and Edwards (1999) share the same view that the use of both intensive and extensive research designs will enable generalizations to be made. In addition intensive work will enable better interpretation of the representative patterns revealed by extensive work and to link process to pattern directly rather than depending upon post-hoc deduction, (Duncan and Edwards 1999). Critics of the individualisation theory have argued that the theory underplays the significance of the social and geographical patterning of values and behaviour and neglects the importance of local cultural and social contexts. According to Duncan and Irwin structures of economic necessity, social groups and moral codes have not gone away, although they may have changed. Family forms are still deeply influenced by local structural conditions or contexts and although people might be less constrained by older traditions, this does not necessarily mean individualisation. The traditional structures of class, gender, religion and so on have a continuing importance, (Duncan and Irwin, 2004, 2005). Individualisation theory assumes that individuals can exercise choice and shape their lives. However, the theory has been criticized for taking insufficient account of the context in which individuals make their choices. Critics of individualisation have pointed out, peoples capacity to make choices, for example in respect of separation and divorce, must depend in large measure on their environment, whether for example, on the constraints of poverty, social class and gender, or, more positively, on the safety net provided by the welfare state (Lasch, 1994; Lewis, 2001a). In addition, the context in which people are making their choices is constantly shifting. Thus the meaning of what it is to be married, or to be a parent has changed and continues to change. Actors will in all likelihood be affected by these changes over their own life course and must expect to have to re-visit the decisions they have made, for example in respect of the division of paid and unpaid work, especially at critical points of transition such as parenthood. Charles and Harris (2004) have argued that choices regarding work/life balance are different at different states of the lifecycle. The individualization theory in its various versions, has been seen as having its merit in terms of indicating trends in post-modern societies, but has been criticized for lacking reliable methodologies and for lacking empirical and historical evidence. According to Thernborn (2004), individualisation theory should be seen as a geographically and historically limited exaggeration among the variety and long durà ©es of socio-sexual systems. Individualisation theory is seen as largely resting on the evidence of qualitative work using purposive samples of particular social groups in particular contexts and localities. They do not often use representative samples or total population figures which can accurately portray overall social patterns. According to Sayer (1992) individualization theorists have used intensive research design which are indeed in-depth and able to access social process more directly, and understand its context but points out that such work needs to be complemented by extensive research on patterns and distributions, using representative survey for example. Duncan and Edwards (1999) share the same view that the use of both intensive and extensive research designs will enable generalizations to be made. In addition intensive work will enable better interpretation of the representative patterns revealed by extensive work and to link process to pattern directly rather than depending upon post-hoc deduction, (Duncan and Edwards 1999). Critics of the individualisation theory have argued that the theory underplays the significance of the social and geographical patterning of values and behaviour and neglects the importance of local cultural and social contexts. According to Duncan and Irwin structures of economic necessity, social groups and moral codes have not gone away, although they may have changed. Family forms are still deeply influenced by local structural conditions or contexts and although people might be less constrained by older traditions, this does not necessarily mean individualisation. The traditional structures of class, gender, religion and so on have a continuing importance, (Duncan and Irwin, 2004, 2005). Individualisation theory assumes that individuals can exercise choice and shape their lives. However, the theory has been criticized for taking insufficient account of the context in which individuals make their choices. Critics of individualisation have pointed out, peoples capacity to make choices must depend in large measure on their environment, whether for example, on the constraints of poverty, social class and gender, or, more positively, on the safety net provided by the welfare state (Lasch, 1994; Lewis, 2001a). According to Lupton and Tulloch, (2002), peoples choices may depend in part on the consideration they give to the welfare of others, and on how far others influence the way in which they frame their choices. In addition, the context in which people are making their choices is constantly shifting. Thus the meaning of what it is to be married, or to be a parent has changed and continues to change. Charles and Harris (2004) have argued that choices regarding work/life b alance are different at different states of the lifecycle. Scholars have examined public attitudes towards marriage and cohabitation in order to assess whether the trends in statistics confirm the deinstitutionalisation of marriage (Cherlin, 1994), in which an increase in the acceptability of cohabitation can be interpreted as evidence for weakening of the social norms. Using data from a number of British Social Attitude Surveys, Barlow et. al. found clear evidence of changing public attitudes. More and more people in the United Kingdom were accepting cohabitation both as a partnering and parenting structure, regardless of whether it is undertaken as a prelude or alternative to marriage. In 1994, 70 per cent agreed that People who want children ought to get married, but by 2000 almost half (54 per cent) thought that there was no need to get married in order to have children; cohabitation was good enough. They found increasingly liberal attitudes to pre-marital sex, with the proportion thinking that it was not wrong at all increasing from 42 per cent in 1984 to 62 per cent in 2000. By 2000 more than two-thirds of respondents (67 per cent) agreed it was all right for a couple to live together without intending to get married, and 56 per cent thought it was a good idea for a couple who intend to get married to live together first. Studies by Dyer (1999) and Barlow et al. (2005) found there was a clear difference in attitudes towards cohabitation from young and old generations, indicating a shift in social viewpoint to an acceptance of cohabitation. The younger age groups were more likely to find cohabitation acceptable than older age groups, but all age groups had moved some way towards greater acceptance of pre-marital sex and cohabitation. Barlow et al. argue that over time there is a strong likelihood that society will become more liberal still on these matters, although particular groups, such as the religious, are likely to remain more traditional than the rest. This change in public attitude is echoed by former Home Secretary, Jack Straw who was quoted in the Daily Mail as saying the important thing is the quality of the relationship, not the institution itself (Daily Mail, 16th June, 1999). This acceptance in politics as well as in society is probably one reason why people drift into cohabitation. Barlo w et a!. suggest Britain will probably move towards a Scandinavian pattern, therefore, where long- term cohabitation is widely seen as quite normal, and where marriage is more of a lifestyle choice than an expected part of life. Barlow et al, however, do not interpret the public attitudes to indicate the breakdown or end of marriage as a respected institution. In the 2000 survey, 59 per cent agreed that marriage is still the best kind of relationship. A mere 9 per cent agreed that there is no point getting married it is only a piece of paper, while 73 per cent disagreed. Despite the increasing acceptance of cohabitation, Barlow et al. therefore argue that, overall, marriage is still widely valued as an ideal, but that it is regarded with much more ambivalence when it comes to everyday partnering and   parenting. While only 28 per cent agree that married couples make better parents, just 40 per cent disagree figures virtually unchanged since 2000, (Barlow et al, 2005) According to Barlow et al. (2005), there is a body of   qualitative research that shows that for many cohabitants, living together is seen as a form of marriage rather than an alternative. Moreover, just as the majority think that sex outside marriage is wrong, the same applies to sex outside cohabitation: the large majority of cohabitants, over 80 per cent, think that sex outside a cohabiting relationship is wrong, (Erens et al., 2003). These findings give little support to the notion that many people cohabit outside marriage because cohabitation is more congruent with a project of the self, as individualisation theory would have it (Hall, 1996). Instead research seems to indicate that many traditional norms about relationships still hold true and cohabitation is seen as the equivalent of marriage. According to Barlow et al, (2008), cohabitation is socially accepted as equivalent to marriage and whilst marriage is seen as ideal, social attitudes show great tolerance to differ ent styles of partnering and parenting relationships.

Peace on Earth

This place known so well to me never fails to uplift my spirits after the annual visit my family and I take over summer. The crisp wind and the scent of nature seem to cast a spell on campers, relaxing and relieving them of stress. Tellico Plains, Tennessee might very well be my peace on Earth. I love escaping from the malicious grasp of modern day technology and taking a leap into the wild, with a breath of fresh air to clear my head. It is absolutely rejuvenating to come to this town and live with no connections to the World for a week.Two hours up the narrow, winding, gravel path spiraling the mountain, we veer to the right at Big Oak Campsite. The popping of the tire treads on the gravel sends warm waves through my body; I know we have arrived. Immediately I venture to the freshwater stream crafted from the melting ice off the higher altitude mountains. Due to how inviting it looks, I hop across the slippery stones to the infamous â€Å"Old Faithful† rock, which is just a good trout fishing spot. Standing here I scan my surroundings, which blow my mind. The lush forest filled with oak, pine, maple, and evergreen trees is so dominant over me; and I know it, but I am ok with it.The stream is relatively narrow, only spanning about 20 ft in width. Rocks of all sizes poke out the surface of the water and electric green moss grows thick on each one. They serve as my stepping stones back to the bank. The Coleman camper we pull behind the car is old and smells musty every year, but it doesn’t phase me at all. We wench the pop top up and pull out the beds, make them up and sweep the linoleum floor before we go any further in setting up camp, the last touch to the camper being a floor mat just inside the door.By this time, the sun is setting and the fireflies are flourishing. Everywhere you look you see a spark of yellow-green light on the move. It’s almost impossible to refrain from getting up to attempt to catch one, so I get up every time. Cre eping up slowly with a jar in one hand, lid in the other, I zoom my vision to the vicinity around me, wait for the bud of the insect to light up, and snatch him up inside the jar. It is likely, too, that I move on to the next nearest light I see and try again to catch a critter, and in the process lose the first one I caught, leaving me with none.The creaking of the Coleman coolers filled with ice, cold cokes, sweet tea, bacon, eggs, and the most delicious chocolate milk in the World makes my eyes light up. It just gives me that feeling of lightness; like there are no worries here. It has nothing to do with the fact that it is a cooler, but more so the amount of times I have heard the sound, only here. As the temperature drops low at night, a fire is needed to keep warm. Mom usually takes the initiative to get the fire going. The teepee of logs under stuffed with newspapers and twigs burns slow and hot, and makes a mean s’more.Appetite satisfied, exhausted from the trip, the pull out mattress looks ever so inviting. I grab my toothbrush and walk to the water cooler to brush my teeth and wash my face. After cleaned up, it’s PJ time. Then I lay myself down, pull the covers up to my chin and tuck myself in. As I lie here, I can honestly say I feel numb to the World. The rushing of the stream plays in my head like music and puts me in a trance; a trance that no other place could ever measure up to doing. There really is peace on Earth, unfortunately you have to find it.

A War to Preserve a Union - 1344 Words

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Compare and Contrast Technology Through the Years Essay

It is amazing that technology has changed the world around us, within just two decades. Some of the technologies include instantaneous communication, realistic looking games, information at the tip of you fingers, and personal computers. These are some of technologies that affect our lives so much. Without them, we could not call it the modern age of man kind. The telephone that we know today is completely different from the one of the past. Today we can individually press each number quickly to call someone. We can even call someone through the computer without the person actually owning a phone. The telephone of the past had the numbers on a curricular disc. This design made forced you to tediously move each number to a specific†¦show more content†¦Several years ago, if someone told her that she could talk to her friends instantly, she would have told them that it is impossible. Several years ago, when someone did not know the definition of a word, they normally turn to a book known as a dictionary. This takes several minutes, to find the definition of the word they are looking for. Today thanks to the internet, someone can just go to the site known as dictionary.com and find the meaning of the word the second after they press enter. My father remembers that when he was in school, he was sometimes asked to look up the definition of a word. He would go to a dictionary to look for the definition of the word, finding it would take several minutes. Now however, he just goes to his computer and types in the word and, in just seconds he learns the meaning of that word. Just a few years ago, the only way that people knew what was happening in other parts of the world was by hearing it on a news report over the radio. Now, people use the television to get news reported to them. 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